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<div class=Section1>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=2 color=navy face=Arial><span style='font-size:
10.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:navy'><o:p> </o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=2 color=navy face=Arial><span style='font-size:
10.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:navy'><o:p> </o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<div class=MsoNormal align=center style='text-align:center'><font size=3
face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:12.0pt'>
<hr size=2 width="100%" align=center tabindex=-1>
</span></font></div>
</div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'><o:p> </o:p></span></font></p>
<div id=ygrp-mlmsg>
<div style='float:left;z-index:1' id=ygrp-msg>
<div id=ygrp-text>
<blockquote style='margin-top:5.0pt;margin-bottom:5.0pt'>
<h1><b><font size=6 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:24.0pt'>International
Law and War Crimes<br>
<br>
</span></font></b><font size=2><span style='font-size:10.0pt'>by Michael Ratner</span></font><o:p></o:p></h1>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>In the work of this Commission, we are undertaking an historic task. We
are here to inquire into and ultimately judge whether the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United States</st1:place></st1:country-region>
has violated laws that are fundamental to a civilized world; laws that are
designed to protect people, human beings, from the barbarity of war. These laws
prohibit war except in the narrowest of circumstances; they severely restrict
who can be killed, the types of weapons that can be used and the appropriate
targets. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>An indicia of a civilized country is adherence to these laws, not only
by pious words but through actions. To act outside these laws, to disobey these
laws, to flaunt these laws is to become "hostis hurnani generis," an
enemy of all mankind. In days past "enemies of all mankind" were
slave traders and pirates. They could be brought to justice wherever found.
Today such enemies include those countries and individuals who violate the
fundamental laws that protect the peace and limit war. The testimony presented
at the various Commissions of Inquiry here in <st1:State w:st="on">New York</st1:State>
and in other hearings throughout the world will determine whether the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United States</st1:place></st1:country-region>
and its leaders are enemies of all mankind. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>As people living in the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United
States</st1:place></st1:country-region> we have an obligation not to close
our eyes, cover our ears and remain silent. We must not and cannot be
"good Germans." We must be, as Bertrand Russell said about the crimes
committed by the <st1:country-region w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region> in <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Vietnam</st1:place></st1:country-region>,
"Against the Crime of Silence." We must bear witness to the tens of
thousands of deaths for whom our government and its leaders bear responsibility
and ask the question - Has the United States committed war crimes with regard
to its initiation and conduct of the war against Iraq? As investigators we
believe that the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United
States</st1:place></st1:country-region> and its leaders have committed
international crimes. Although we cannot bring them to justice, we can reveal
their criminal conduct to ourselves, to the people of the <st1:country-region
w:st="on">United States</st1:country-region>, and to the world with the hope
that <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
conduct will be repudiated, conduct, which by the way, still continues. The <st1:country-region
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region> still occupies parts of <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region>, it
continues an embargo against food, and it engages in battle after a cease-fire.
<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>Today I want to outline for you the legal framework in which we are
operating and explain some of the broad principles of law applicable to judging
the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United States</st1:place></st1:country-region>'
conduct. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>War crimes are violations by a country, its civilians, or its military
personnel of the international laws of war. The laws of war are laws that must
be obeyed by the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United
States</st1:place></st1:country-region>, its officials and its military, and
by the UN. The laws are contained in treaties that the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> has
signed, for example the Geneva Convention of 1949 on Prisoners of War. They are
reflected in what is called customary international law. This law has arisen
over hundreds if not thousands of years. All countries must obey it. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>War crimes are divided into two broad categories. The first are called
crimes against peace. Crimes against peace include the planning, preparation,
or initiation of a war of aggression. In other words one country cannot make
aggressive war against another country. Nor can a country settle a dispute by
war; it must always, and in good faith, negotiate a settlement. The second
category are what we can call crimes against humanity; I am including here
crimes against civilians and soldiers. These are violations of the rules as to
the means and manner by which war is to be conducted once begun. These include
the following prohibitions: killing of civilians, indiscriminate bombing, the
use of certain types of weapons, killing of defenseless soldiers, ill treatment
of POWs and attacks on non-military targets. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>Any violation of these two sets of laws is a war crime; if the
violations are done on purpose, recklessly or knowingly, they are considered
very serious and called grave breaches; Nazis and Japanese following World War
II were hanged for such grave breaches. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>First, I want to discuss crimes against peace and give you some sense
of its application here. This prohibition is embodied in the <a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-un.htm">Charter of the United Nations</a>, the <a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-nurem.htm">Nuremberg Charter</a>, which is the law
under which the Nazis were tried, and a treaty called the Kellogg-Briand pact.
As the <a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-nurem.htm">Nuremberg Charter</a>
defines, <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<ol start=1 type=a>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l0 level1 lfo1'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Crimes against peace: <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
</ol>
<ol start=1 type=a>
<ol start=1 type=i>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:
auto;mso-list:l0 level2 lfo1'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a
war of aggression or a war in violation of international treaties,
agreements or assurances; <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:
auto;mso-list:l0 level2 lfo1'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Participation in a common plan or conspiracy for
the accomplishment of any of the acts mentioned under (i). <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
</ol>
</ol>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>The United Nations Charter is the highest expression of this
prohibition on aggressive war and sets down very rigorous rules for avoiding
the use of force - rules which were flagrantly violated by the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United States</st1:place></st1:country-region>
and a Security Council it controlled. <a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-un.htm#a2">Article
2131</a> of the <a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-un.htm">UN Charter</a> requires
that international disputes be settled by peaceful means so that international
peace, security and justice are not endangered; <a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-un.htm#a2">Article 2141</a> requires that force
shall not by used in any manner that is inconsistent with the purposes of the
UN and <a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-un.htm#a33">Article 33</a> requires that
parties to a dispute shall first of all seek a solution by negotiation,
inquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration judicial settlement, resort to
regional agencies, or other peaceful means. Not until all such means are
exhausted can force be used. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>So, taken together we have two basic rules: a nation cannot plan and
make war, and second, if there is a dispute, the nations must exhaust every
means of settlement - every means. Even then, only the UN can authorize war.
There is strong evidence, some of which is presented in the papers here, that
the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
violated both of these basic laws. These facts are not hidden. Much of the
evidence indicating that the U.S. set up the war with Iraq is contained in U.S.
Rep. Gonzalez's impeachment resolution and brief in support presented to
Congress and printed in full in the Congressional Record (H. Res. 86, February
21, 1991, included in the printed report: ISBN 0-944-624-15-<wbr>4). It is only
the major commercial press which has ignored the facts. In part it includes the
following revelations: <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>As early as October 1989 the CIA representatives in <st1:country-region
w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:country-region> had agreed to take advantage of <st1:country-region
w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region>'s deteriorating economic position to put
pressure on <st1:country-region w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region> to accede
to <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:place></st1:country-region>'s
demands with regard to the border dispute. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>. . . Encouraging <st1:country-region w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:country-region>
to refuse to negotiate its differences with <st1:country-region w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region>
as required by the United Nations Charter, including <st1:country-region w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:country-region>'s
failure to abide by OPEC quotas, its pumping of Iraqi oil from the Rumaila oil
field and its refusal to negotiate these and other matters with <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region>. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>Months prior to the Iraqi invasion of <st1:country-region w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:country-region>,
the <st1:country-region w:st="on">United States</st1:country-region>
administration prepared a plan and practiced elaborate computer war games
pitting <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United States</st1:place></st1:country-region>
forces against Iraqi armored divisions. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>In testimony before Congress prior to the invasion, Assistant Secretary
Kelly misleadingly assured Congress that the <st1:country-region w:st="on">United
States</st1:country-region> had no commitment to come to <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:place></st1:country-region>'s
assistance in the event of war. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>April Glaspie's reassurance to <st1:country-region w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region>
that the dispute was an 'Arab' matter and the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> would not interfere. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>Even if we suspend judgment and believe that the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> neither
planned nor prepared this war, it had no right to initiate war until all means
of negotiation were at an end. The <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>, however, never wanted to
negotiate. It wanted war. According to the <em><i><font face="Times New Roman">New
York Times</font></i></em>, the <st1:country-region w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region>
wanted to "block the diplomatic track because it might defuse the crisis
at the cost of a few token gains for <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region>.''<a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-ilaw.htm#1">[1]</a> <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region> at about this time made an
offer to negotiate to settle the crisis. It offered to withdraw from <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:place></st1:country-region> for some
form of control over two uninhabited islands that would give it access to the
Gulf and control over the Rumaila oilfield. The offer was, according to the
some <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
officials, "serious and negotiable." Offers continued until the eve
of war and by that time <st1:country-region w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region>
was willing to withdraw totally from <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:place></st1:country-region>. The <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> instantly
dismissed all offers to negotiate a settlement and refused to pursue them.
"No negotiations" was the constant theme of U.S. President George
Bush.<a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-ilaw.htm#2">[2]</a> The <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> and its
allies wanted to see the crisis settled by force. It is the <st1:country-region
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region> that chose war and not peace; it is the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> that
committed a crime against peace. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>I want to say a word about the UN Resolutions embargoing <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region> and
supposedly authorizing the use of force. All of the UN Resolutions were suspect
because of what Rep. Gonzalez called in his impeachment resolution the
"bribing, intimidating and threatening of others, including members of the
UN Security Council." Gonzalez cites the following outright bribes: <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<ul type=disc>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l2 level1 lfo2'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Immediately after the November 29 vote in the UN
authorizing force, the administration unblocked a $140 million loan for
the World Bank to <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">China</st1:place></st1:country-region>
and agreed to meet with Chinese government officials. <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l2 level1 lfo2'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>The Soviet Union was promised $7 billion in aid
from various countries and shipments of food from the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United States</st1:place></st1:country-region>.
<o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l2 level1 lfo2'><st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on"><font
size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:12.0pt'>Zaire</span></font></st1:place></st1:country-region>
was promised forgiveness of part of its debt as well as military
assistance. <o:p></o:p></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l2 level1 lfo2'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>A $7 billion loan to <st1:country-region w:st="on">Egypt</st1:country-region>
was forgiven, a loan the President had no authority to forgive under <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> law. <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l2 level1 lfo2'><st1:country-region w:st="on"><font size=3
face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:12.0pt'>Syria</span></font></st1:country-region>
was promised that there would be no interference in its <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Lebanon</st1:place></st1:country-region>
actions. <o:p></o:p></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l2 level1 lfo2'><st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on"><font
size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:12.0pt'>Saudi
Arabia</span></font></st1:place></st1:country-region> was promised $12
billion in arms sales. <o:p></o:p></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l2 level1 lfo2'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>The <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>, which owes the most money
to the U.N., paid off $187 million of its debt immediately after the vote
authorizing the use of force. <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l2 level1 lfo2'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>The administration attempted to coerce <st1:country-region
w:st="on">Yemen</st1:country-region> by threatening the cutoff of <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
funds.<a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-ilaw.htm#3">[3]</a> <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
</ul>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>But even were this not the case, can the UN apply measures of force
such as the embargo, effectively a blockade and an act of war, and authorize
all necessary means - which the U.S. saw as war - without negotiating first? It
cannot do so according to the stipulations of its own Charter. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>Nor was the UN permitted to embargo food and limit the importation of
medicine. Neither the UN nor any country can take measures that intentionally
or knowingly have the effect of starving and harming the civilian population. This
is prohibited by every tenet of international law. It is well known that <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region> imports 60
to 70 percent of its food. As testimony presented elsewhere in book and in many
reports from fact finding missions to <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region> since the end of the war, many
children died because of the lack of infant formula and adequate food and
medicine. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>And what of this infamous resolution that authorized all necessary
means to remove Iraqi forces from <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:place></st1:country-region>? Did this authorize war? Not
by its own terms. The resolution was left specifically vague, stipulating only
"all necessary means." Nowhere did it mention war and certainly many
other means were readily available for achieving the goals of the UN
resolutions. All other means were never exhausted. From the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
standpoint, massively violent war was the first and only option. All other
means had to be precluded at any cost. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>Finally, on the point of the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> commission of crimes against
peace even if we get over all of the other illegalities and assume that the UN
had the authority to authorize war and did so in this case, what did it
authorize? It authorized the use of force only to obtain the withdrawal from <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:place></st1:country-region>. It
certainly never authorized the incursion into, much less the occupation of, <st1:country-region
w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region> and the total subjection of that nation to
the dictates of the UN acting out policies originating in the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
government. No one has authorized the <st1:country-region w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region>
to have even one soldier in <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region>.
This is aggression in the classic sense. <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> forces moved in from the north
down to the 36th parallel and have set up camps for displaced Kurds. Nor did
the resolution authorize any bombing of <st1:country-region w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region>,
certainly not the bombing of <st1:City w:st="on">Baghdad</st1:City> or <st1:City
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Basra</st1:place></st1:City> or the near
complete destruction of the economic infrastructure. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>The second broad category we are concerned with are what are referred
to as crimes against humanity. By this I mean both crimes against civilians and
combatants. There is a long history of outlawing certain kinds of conduct once
war has begun. The principle is that the means and manner of waging war are not
unlimited. In other words, while it is of primary importance to prevent war,
once war has begun there are limits on the types of targets that can be
attacked and the weapons that can be employed. Central to these laws of war is
the desire to protect civilians, noncombatants, soldiers who are no longer
fighting, and the resources and infrastructure necessary to their survival.
Again, at <st1:City w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Nuremberg</st1:place></st1:City>,
the Nazis were tried for crimes against humanity which included killings of the
civilian population and the wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages and
devastation not justified by military necessity. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>These laws are embodied in various treaties, including most importantly
<st1:City w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">the Hague</st1:place></st1:City>
Convention of 1907, the Geneva Conventions of 1949, and <a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-proto.htm">Protocol I Additional to the Geneva
Conventions</a>. They all reflect a similar set of rules, violations of which
are war crimes. They are built around two principles. First, military
operations are to be directed at military objectives - the civilian population
and civilian objects are not to be targets. So, massive bombing, as was engaged
in by the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>,
which kills civilians and destroyed the water supply, is illegal. In fact, when
the dispute was barely a month old, in September, Air Force chief of staff
General Michael J. Duggan was fired for leaking to the press suggestions that
the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
was already planning bombing targets which would include Iraqi power systems,
roads railroads, and petroleum plants.<a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-ilaw.htm#4">[4]</a> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>At the height of the war, this sort of bombing campaign was defended by
Pentagon spokespersons in terms reminiscent of the Vietnam War. Many parts of <st1:country-region
w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region> became "free fire zones" in which
everyone who remains in such a zone is declared unilaterally by the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> as a
legitimate target for destruction. The entire city of <st1:City w:st="on">Basra</st1:City>,
<st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region>'s
second largest, became such a free fire zone, as described by Brigadier General
Richard I. Neal. The Washington Post story recounts: "In <st1:City w:st="on">Riyadh</st1:City>,
Marine Brig. Gen. Richard I. Neal gave a detailed explanation of why repeated
allied pounding of the southern Iraqi city of <st1:City w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Basra</st1:place></st1:City> is causing 'collateral damage.' <st1:City
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Basra</st1:place></st1:City>, Neal said, 'is a
military town in the true sense, it is astride a major naval base and a port
facility. The infrastructure, military infrastructure, is closely interwoven
within the city of <st1:City w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Basra</st1:place></st1:City>
itself.' The destruction of targets in and around <st1:City w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Basra</st1:place></st1:City> is part of what Neal described as an
'intensifying' air campaign against all 'echelons of forces, from the front
lines and all the way back ... There is no rest for the weary, for any of
them.... There is no division, no brigade, there is no battalion that really is
spared the attacks from our pilots."'<a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-ilaw.htm#5">[5]</a> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>The second limit international law places on the conduct of war is the
principle of proportionality - you can only use the amount of force against
military targets necessary to achieve your objective. So, for example,
destroying the retreating Iraqi army was disproportional for it was not
necessary to achieve the Iraqi withdrawal from <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:place></st1:country-region>. The whole conduct of the
war, in fact, violates every conceivable notion of proportionality. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>International law lays down rules for how the civilian population is to
be protected. Obviously civilians cannot be intentionally attacked, but,
indiscriminate attacks are prohibited as well. Such attacks are defined as
those that "employ a method of combat which cannot be directed at specific
military objectives." While the mass media, especially TV news, gave the
impression during the war that the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> was using only
"smart" bombs that directly hit their military targets, in fact 93
percent of the bombs used were "dumb" bombs of which <a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-myth.htm">at least 60 to 70 percent missed their
targets</a>, killing lots of people. Such bombs cannot be directed exclusively
at a military objective and in my view are illegal. Nor can bombs dropped from
a B-52 flying at thirty to forty thousand feet hit their targets. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>There is a special law protecting objects indispensable to the civilian
population - the infrastructure of a country. This includes prohibitions on
destroying food supplies, water and sewer systems, agriculture, power, medical
services, transportation and similar essentials. These cannot be attacked even
if there is some military goal, if the effect would be to leave civilians
without the essentials for life. In fact, the <st1:country-region w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region>
government openly stated its goal of destroying the infrastructure of <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region> including
water, food supplies, the sewer system, electricity and transportation. The
story was not reported in <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
newspapers until late June of 1991, but the facts were obvious to even a casual
observer. According to the <em><i><font face="Times New Roman">Washington Post</font></i></em>
story, <st1:country-region w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region> officials
admitted that "Some targets, especially late in the war, were bombed
primarily to create postwar leverage over <st1:country-region w:st="on">Iraq</st1:country-region>,
not to influence the course of the conflict itself.... the intent was to
destroy or damage valuable facilities that <st1:City w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Baghdad</st1:place></st1:City> could not repair without foreign
assistance.<a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-ilaw.htm#6">[6]</a> A report of the
United Nations Mission to Iraq led by Under Secretary General Martti Ahtisaari
said that Iraq had been bombed into the pre-industrial age.<a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-ilaw.htm#7">[7]</a> Thousands of additional people
- all civilians and most children - are dying as a result. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>Attacks are also to be limited to strictly military objectives. These
are defined as those that make an effective contribution to military action and
whose destruction offer a definite military advantage. Civilian objects are not
to be attacked. In case of doubt, such as a school, it should be presumed that
it is not used as a military object. What does this rule say about bombing of
the al-Ameriyah shelter? At least 300 children and parents were incinerated in
a structure that the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
knew was built as a shelter for civilians. Its possible use as a military
communications center was only a matter of speculation and weak supposition.
Or, what are we to make of the destruction of the baby milk factory at the
beginning of the bombing campaign? Again, an American general has admitted that
this was a mistake - a mistake that has cost many, many babies their lives. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>There are also a series of very specific laws: <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<ol start=1 type=1>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l1 level1 lfo3'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>The use of asphyxiating gases is prohibited. The <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
violated this by its use of fuel-air explosive bombs on Iraqi frontline
troops; these bombs are terror bombs which can burn the oxygen over a
surface of one or two square kilometers, destroying human life by
asphyxiation. <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l1 level1 lfo3'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>These fuel-air bombs and the <st1:country-region
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region> use of napalm are also outlawed by <st1:City
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">the Hague</st1:place></st1:City> and <a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-proto.htm">Geneva Conventions</a>, which
prohibit the use of weapons causing unnecessary harm to combatants. The
level of <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
evil is demonstrated by the sending to the Gulf of a stingray blinding
laser system which is supposed to knock out optics on enemy weapons, but
has the side effect of blinding soldiers as well who operate the weapons. <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l1 level1 lfo3'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>The bombing of peaceful nuclear power facilities
is forbidden and particularly so because of the dangers of the spread of
radioactivity. The UN International Atomic Energy Agency classified the
reactors as peaceful, yet the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region> bombed them, not caring
about the spread of radioactivity. The bombing was intentional and planned
in advance, clearly in violation of international law. <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l1 level1 lfo3'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Both <st1:City w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">the
Hague</st1:place></st1:City> Convention of 1954 and <a
href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-proto.htm">Protocol I to the Geneva
Conventions</a> prohibit attacks against historic monuments, works of art,
places of worship and sites which constitute the cultural and spiritual
heritage of a people. Catholic churches, a 4th century monastery and a
Sunni Moslem mosque represent just some of the massive violations that
occurred. [See Fadwa El Guindi's essay on archaeological destruction, <em><i><font
face="Times New Roman">Waging War on Civilization</font></i></em>.] <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l1 level1 lfo3'><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'><a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-proto.htm">Protocol
I of the Geneva Convention</a> also requires protection of the natural
environment against widespread and severe damage - the U.S. massive
bombing, the blowing up of reactors, the hitting of oil storage facilities
all violate this prohibition. <o:p></o:p></span></font></li>
</ol>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>What I have tried to outline today is the broad framework in which we
can evaluate the criminal conduct of the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">United States</st1:place></st1:country-region>. I believe that these
hearings will establish beyond doubt the criminal nature of American actions in
this war. I want to close with the words of Bertrand Russell when he addressed
the war crimes that had been revealed at the War Crimes Tribunal held in 1967
in <st1:City w:st="on">Stockholm</st1:City> and in 1968 in <st1:City w:st="on">Copenhagen</st1:City>
to judge <st1:country-region w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region> actions in <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Vietnam</st1:place></st1:country-region>: <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>It is not enough, however, to identify the criminal. The <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">United States</st1:place></st1:country-region>
must be isolated and rendered incapable of further crimes. I hope that <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">America</st1:place></st1:country-region>'s
remaining allies will be forced to desert the alliances which bind them
together. I hope that the American people will repudiate resolutely the abject
course on which their rulers have embarked. Finally, I hope that the peoples of
the <st1:place w:st="on">Third World</st1:place> will take heart from the
example of the Vietnamese and join further in dismantling the American empire.
It is the attempt to create empires that produces war crimes because, as the
Nazis also reminded us, empires are founded on a self-righteous and deep-rooted
belief in racial superiority and God-given mission.<span style='background:
#FFFF80'> Once one believes colonial peoples to be <em><i><font
face="Times New Roman">untermenschen</font></i></em> - 'gooks' is the American
term - one has destroyed the basis of all civilized codes of conduct. </span><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<h2><b><font size=5 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:18.0pt'>Notes<o:p></o:p></span></font></b></h2>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>See <a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-appa.htm">Appendix A</a> for
relevant selections from international law. <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<ol start=1 type=1>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l4 level1 lfo4'><a name=1><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>New York Times</span></font></a>, August 22,
1990. <o:p></o:p></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l4 level1 lfo4'><a name=2><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Michael Emty</span></font></a>, "How the <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country-region>
Avoided the Peace," The Village Voice, March 5, 1991. <o:p></o:p></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l4 level1 lfo4'><a name=3><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Congressional Record</span></font></a>, January
16, 1991: H520. <o:p></o:p></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l4 level1 lfo4'><a name=4><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Rick Atkinson</span></font></a>, "<st1:country-region
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region> to Rely on Air Strikes if War
Erupts," <st1:State w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">New York</st1:place></st1:State>
Times, September 16, 1990: Al. <o:p></o:p></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l4 level1 lfo4'><a name=5><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>"Ground War Not Imminent, Bush Says</span></font></a>:
Allies to Rely on Air Sower 'for a While,"' <st1:State w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Washington</st1:place></st1:State> Post, February 12, 1991:
A14. <o:p></o:p></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l4 level1 lfo4'><a name=6></a><st1:State w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on"><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'>Washington</span></font></st1:place></st1:State> Post, June 23,
1991: Al. <o:p></o:p></li>
<li class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
mso-list:l4 level1 lfo4'><a name=7><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Martti Ahtisaari</span></font></a>, "Report
to the Secretary General on Humanitarian Needs in <st1:country-region
w:st="on">Kuwait</st1:country-region> and <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place
w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country-region> in the Immediate
Post-Crisis Environment,<wbr>" United Nations Report No. S122366,
March 20, 1991. <o:p></o:p></li>
</ol>
<blockquote style='margin-top:5.0pt;margin-bottom:5.0pt'>
<p class=MsoNormal><em><i><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span
style='font-size:12.0pt'>Michael Ratner is an attorney former director of the
Center for Constitutional Rights, and past president of the National Lawyer's
Guild. He has filed a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the Gulf
War. This report was given at the <st1:State w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">New
York</st1:place></st1:State> Commission Hearing, May 11, 1991.</span></font></i></em>
<o:p></o:p></p>
</blockquote>
<div>
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face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:12.0pt'>
<hr size=2 width="100%" align=center>
</span></font></div>
</div>
<div>
<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'><a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/wc-index.htm">Index</a><br>
</span></font><font size=2><span style='font-size:10.0pt'>WWW URL: http://deoxy.<wbr>org/wc-ilaw.<wbr>htm<br>
Copyright © 1992 by <a href="http://deoxy.org/wc/warcrime.htm">The Commission
of Inquiry for the International War Crimes Tribunal</a> </span></font><o:p></o:p></p>
</div>
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<p class=MsoNormal><font size=3 face="Times New Roman"><span style='font-size:
12.0pt'> <o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
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